This is an ad hoc summation of Paul
Feyerabend’s book Farewell to Reason, which
presents a vigorous challenge to scientific nationalism. Feyerabend was
Professor of Philosophy at the University of California at Berkeley and
Professor of the Philosophy of Science at the Federal Institute of Technology
at Zurich. He died in 1994.
Paul Feyerabend may have been the last
major philosopher of the twentieth century, although his critics would rather
he had never taken up his pen. Feyerabend (whose name is pronounced
‘fire-a-bend’) is that rarest of things, a relativist with claws. While other
relativists have found themselves retreated to an untenable position akin to
solipsism (the belief that the only thing one can know with any certainty is
one’s own perceptions), Feyerabend runs roughshod over the landscape of
philosophy with the sure footed confidence of someone not only blessed with
great intellect, but an exceptional grasp of history and a grand compassion
that is infectiously democratic.
Farewell to Reason is a collection of disparate essays which deal with cultural
diversity and cultural change. Their goal is to demonstrate that diversity is
beneficial while uniformity reduces both our available resources and the joy of
living. Although it succeeds in this goal, it will not convert Feyerabend’s
opponents (whose philosophical position, frankly, may be so entrenched as to
perhaps be intractable) and his rigorously presented arguments are not for the
intellectually timid, nor for the philosophical amateur. This material is hard
to read – but all the more rewarding because of it.
(In order to get the most from Feyerabend,
an awareness of the philosophies of Wittgenstien and Kuhn is an inessential but
useful starting point. Anyone approaching Feyerabend from a position of total
philosophical ignorance is likely to be completely out of their depth, or at
the very least, unlikely to fully comprehend Feyerabend’s concepts).
Feyerabend contends that there exist
powerful traditions which oppose diversity. The proponents of these points of
view concede that people may arrange their lives in a variety of fashions but
they insist that there must be limits to variety, and further claim that these
limits are constituted either by moral laws which regulate human action, or by
physical laws which define our position in nature. In particular, Feyerabend
criticises two ideas which have historically been used to justify and make
respectable the expansion of Western forms of life (or the ‘brave new
monotony’, as one essay terms it) – namely the idea of Reason and the idea of
Objectivity.
When someone says that a procedure or point
of view is objective (or ‘objectively true’, which is synonymous) they are
asserting that it is valid irrespective of human expectations, ideas, attitudes
and wishes. It is an underlying claim which many modern scientists and
intellectuals assert about their work. This issue is explored in more depth
than I can possibly reproduce here, with historical examples spanning from the
ancient Greeks through Galileo to more modern examples such as Popper. (Fans of
Popper beware: Feyerabend worked with Popper at one point in his life and
appears to have developed a pathological hatred of the father of what is termed
‘naïve falsificationism’).
In the context of Reason (with a capital
R), or Rationality (the words are functionally equivalent, if not synonymous),
Feyerabend presents fundamental problems even in the introduction to the book,
as this short extract demonstrates:
Hardnosed empiricists regard it as irrational
to retain view plainly in conflict with experiment while hardnosed
theoreticians smile at the irrationality of those who revise basic principles
at every flicker of the evidence.
He asserts that the notions of ‘this is
rational’ or ‘this is irrational’ are ambiguous, and never clearly explained,
and demonstrates why attempting to enforce such views would be counter
productive. By way of context he suggests:
The assumption that there exist universally
valid and binding standards of knowledge and action is a special case of a
belief whose influence extends far beyond the domain of intellectual debate.
This belief… may be formulated by saying that there exists a right way of
living and that the world must be made to accept it.
He proceeds to give examples of religious
intolerance and war propelled by such a belief. Indeed, he is far less generous
to religion than I would be, but does demonstrate that it is extreme
fundamentalism (of the kind expressed above) which causes the problem – and it
matters not if this is built on a religious, political or scientific framework.
I have long been seeking someone who could present this viewpoint in an erudite
fashion, as I have been struggling alone with it for many years. Feyerabend
continues:
We may surmise that the idea is a leftover
from times when important matters were run from a single centre, a king or a
jealous god, supporting and giving authority to a single world view. And we may
further surmise that Reason and Rationality are powers of a similar kind and
are surrounded by the same aura as were gods, kings, tyrants and their
merciless laws. The content has evaporated; the aura remains and makes the
powers survive.
In many respects, the perspective that
Feyerabend sets down in this book has much in common with the views espoused by
Robert Anton Wilson in ‘The New Inquisition’. While Feyerabend lacks
Wilson’s
entertainingly constructed prose, he makes up for it with a rigorous
argumentation built on a much more solid understanding of philosophy and
history (and an absence of entertaining drug-addled rambling). Fans of
Wilson’s work,
however, and especially those with the patience for highly academic material,
would gain much from considering Feyerabend.
Rather than discuss all of the essays in Farewell
to Reason, I shall focus my attention primarily on the first and the final
chapter. This is not to say the other material is not fascinating (or, in the
case of ‘Aristotle’s Theory of Mathematics’ completely beyond my comprehension!),
but these two chapters have the most general remit, and therefore are perhaps
easier to summarize.
Notes on Relativism
The first chapter discusses a particular
attempt to make sense of the phenomena of cultural variety, namely relativism.
In this essay, Feyerabend begins by presenting a particular thesis (which I
will include here), then gradually strengthens the idea presented through a
series of arguments. I cannot summarise this adequately, so one must accept
that what I present here gives you some idea of how this chapter proceeds but
does not give you the necessary information to fully comprehend (or
meaningfully oppose) this viewpoint. For this, you must read Feyerabend’s work
yourself.
The opening thesis concerns practical
relativism, which overlaps somewhat with opportunism:
R1: individuals, groups, entire
civilizations may profit from studying alien cultures, institutions, ideas, no
matter how strong the traditions that support their own views (no matter how
strong the arguments that support these views). For example, Roman Catholics
may profit from studying Buddhism, physicians may profit from a study of the Nei
Ching or from an encounter with African witch doctors, psychologists may
profit from a study of the ways in which novelists and actors build a
character, scientists in general may profit from a study of unscientific
methods and points of view and Western civilization as a whole can learn a lot
from the beliefs, habits, institutions of ‘primitive’ people.
(Note that this does not make a recommendation,
nor suggest a requirement. It merely suggests that such a study may have
effects which could be regarded as beneficial).
Feyerabend observes that there is a
spectrum of response to this thesis:
- The thesis is rejected, which happens
when a tightly knit world view is regarded as the only measure of truth and
excellence, as happens with certain religious, political or scientific beliefs.
- The thesis is rejected, but only in
certain areas, as occurs in pluralistic cultures with separate components
(religion, politics, art, science etc.) that are each guided by a well defined
and exclusive paradigm.
- An exchange of ideas and attitudes
between different domains (cultures) is encouraged, but is subjected to the
laws that rule the domain (culture) entered.
- An acceptance that even our most basic
assumptions, our most solid beliefs, and our most conclusive arguments can be
changed, improved or defused, or shown to be irrelevant by a comparison with
what at first looks like undiluted madness.
He then discusses in great length the
relationship between modern science and this thesis, in a section that defies
easy summation.
Later, in considering R1 in the political
context of democracy – which subjects important matters to public debate and is
inherently pluralistic, encouraging the development of a variety of traditions
– Feyerabend suggests that R1 suggests that each tradition may contribute to
the welfare of individuals and to society as a whole. He therefore presents a
new thesis:
R2: societies dedicated to freedom and
democracy should be structured in a way that gives all traditions equal
opportunities, i.e. equal access to federal funds, educational
institutions, basic decisions. Science is to be treated as one tradition among
many, not as a standard for judging what is and what is not, what can and what
cannot be accepted.
(Feyerabend is quick to point out that he
does not favour the export of ‘freedom’ into regions that are doing well
without it and whose inhabitants show no desire to change their ways. Rather,
R2 is restricted to societies based upon ‘freedom and democracy’ in order to
avoid facile generalisations).
This is rapidly strengthened into:
R3: Democratic societies should give all
traditions equal rights and not only equal opportunities.
The discussion builds over a number of
subsequent theses; these intermediate propositions are used to suggest the
following hypothesis:
R10: for every statement (theory, point of
view) that is believed to be true with good reasons there may exist arguments
showing that either its opposite, or a weaker alternative, is true.
And its stronger variant:
R11: For every statement, theory, point of
view believed (to be true) with good reasons there exist arguments showing a
conflicting alternative to be at least as good, or even better.
Feyerabend concludes the chapter with the
obvious criticisms of the relativistic viewpoints expressed, in a manner that
once again is highly resistant to summation. An extract is perhaps required for demonstrative
purposes:
‘If two parties disagree’, says Popper,
‘this may mean that one is wrong, or the other, or both. It does not mean, as
the relativist will have it, that both may be equally right.’
This comment reveals in a nutshell the
weakness of all intellectual attacks on relativism. ‘If two parties disagree’ –
this means the opponents have established contact and understand each other.
Now assume that the opponents come from different cultures. Whose means of
communication will they use and how will understanding be reached? … Popper…
seems to assume that there exists, basically, a single medium of discourse,
that the medium is ‘rational’ in his sense (for example, it obeys simple
logical laws), that is consists mainly of talk (gestures, facial expression
plays no role), and that everybody has access to it…
Furthermore:
Why should it not be possible to say
conflicting things about ‘the same situation’ and yet be right? A picture that
can be seen in two different ways (Wittgenstein’s duck-rabbit is an example)
can be described in two different ways – and both parties will be right. It is
a matter of research and not of philosophical fiat to decide whether the world
we inhabit resembles a duck-rabbit picture.
In concluding this essay, Feyerabend is
keen to point out that he is not opposed to science:
Nor am I asserting that we can do without
the sciences. We cannot. Having participated in, or permitted, the construction
of an environment in which scientific laws come to the fore, both materially,
in technological products, and spiritually, in the ideas that are allowed to
guide major decisions, we, scientists as well as the common citizens of Western
civilization, are subjected to their rule. But social conditions change and
science changes with them.
This essay opens Farewell to Reason
with a resounding clatter of cymbals, presenting and arguing for an
understanding of relativism with a thoroughness and philosophical precision
which is admirable. My précis here captures only a fragment of the piece, and
even then only the tone is conveyed, not the underlying arguments. For
this, one must read ‘Notes on Relativism’ oneself.
One of the most striking aspects of this
piece is the way it places science and religion on equal footing by considering
both to be ‘traditions’. This approach had not occurred to me before, but
provides a useful tool for examining belief systems from markedly different
backgrounds. Viewed from Feyerabend’s vantage point, the last few hundred years
of the history of science seem rather like Orwell’s Animal Farm: the
forces of Reason manage to unseat the tyrannical despotism of religious
traditions, only to take upon the aggressive fundamentalism of that which they
opposed (but from a different set of prior beliefs – replacing theism with
positivism i.e. the idea that the only authentic knowledge is scientific
knowledge), and eventually emerging themselves as fanatical dictators, imposing
onto others what can and cannot be believed. One might be inclined to suggest
the problem was not with the religion or science that provided the motivation,
but in the fascism that resulted.
As someone already sympathetic to
relativism, the most surprising part of this chapter for me was how it made me
re-evaluate democracy. For the first time in many years, I began to consider
how democratic values might be worth rescuing, instead of being trapped in a
place where the only political philosophy that seemed appealing was
‘enlightened anarchy’ (a state achievable only by luck). It is a call to arms
for everyone open to new ideas, diversity of belief, and variety in approach,
to participate in the development of our own societies.
Farewell to Reason
The final chapter appears to have been
written to clarify points Feyerabend raised in his book Against Method,
and as such has a strangely uneven quality. However, it makes a good closing
statement for this book, as well as a potential introduction to Feyerabend’s
earlier work.
One of Feyerabend’s themes is that there is
no common structure to the sciences; individuals may assert that there is, but
an analysis of the history of science shows how impressively ad hoc the
development of science has been. This is not exploited as a criticism of
science, per se, but rather identified as a strength: it argues against placing
restrictions and limits on the spirit of open inquiry that underlies science:
My main thesis on [the structure of
science] is: the events and results that constitute the sciences have no common
structure: there are no elements that occur in every scientific investigation
but are missing elsewhere (the objection that without such elements the word
‘science’ has no meaning assumes a theory of meaning that has been criticized,
with excellent arguments, by Ockham, Berkeley and Wittgenstein)…
A
theory of science that devises standards and structural elements of all
scientific activities and authorizes them by reference to some
rationality-theory may impress outsiders – but it is much too crude an
instrument for the people on the spot, that is, for scientists facing some
concrete research problem. The most we can do for them from afar is to
enumerate rules of thumb, give historical examples, present case studies
containing diverging procedures, demonstrate the inherent complexity of
research and so prepare them for the morass they are about to enter.
Another key theme is that science should be
understood as one tradition among many, which is to say, Feyerabend questions
the authority of the sciences:
I assert that there exist no ‘objective’
reasons for preferring science and Western rationalism to other traditions.
Indeed it is difficult to imagine what such reasons might be. Are they reasons
that would convince a person, or the members of a culture, no matter what their
customs, their beliefs or their social situation? Then what we know about
cultures shows us that there are no ‘objective’ reasons in that sense. Are they
reasons which convince a person who has been properly prepared? Then all
cultures have ‘objective’ reasons in their favour. Are they reasons which do
not depend on ‘subjective’ elements such as commitment or personal preference?
Then ‘objective’ reasons simply do not exist (the choice of objectivity as a
measure is itself a personal and/or group choice – or else people simply accept
it without much thought).
He patiently attacks numerous common
arguments extended to assert the innate superiority of science:
[Some intellectuals] distinguish between
basic science and its application: if any destroying was done, then this was
the work of the appliers, not of the good and innocent theoreticians. But the
theoreticians are not that innocent. They are recommending analysis over
and above understanding, and this even in domains dealing with human beings; they
extol the ‘rationality’ and ‘objectivity’ of science without realising that a
procedure whose main aim is to get rid of all human elements is bound to lead
to inhuman actions. Or they distinguish between the good which science can do
‘in principle’ and the bad things it actually does. That can hardly give us
comfort. All religions are good ‘in principle’ – but unfortunately this
abstract Good has only rarely prevented their practitioners from behaving like
bastards.
He is particularly horrified by Popper’s
suggestion that:
…the benefits of civilization may
occasionally have to be imposed, on unwilling victims, by ‘a form of
imperialism.’
The inevitable consequences of this
statement are hopefully clear, and I will leave the political ramifications in
respect of foreign policy as mere implications.
The spirit of relativism infuses the
chapter:
This is a general feature of all
ideological debates: arguments in favour of a certain world view depend on
assumptions which are accepted in some cultures, rejected in others, but which
because of the ignorance of their defenders are thought to have universal
validity.
Feyerabend summarises his position in two
statements:
(A) the way in which scientific problems
are attacked and solved depends on the circumstances in which they arise, the
(formal, experimental, ideological) means available at the time and the wishes
of those dealing with them. There are no lasting boundary conditions of
scientific research.
(B) the way in which problems of society
and the interactions of cultures are attacked and solved also depends on the
circumstances in which they arise, the means available at the time and the
wishes of those dealing with them. There are no lasting boundary conditions of
human action.
Thus he criticises the view:
(C) that science and humanity must conform
to conditions that can be determined independently of personal wishes and
cultural circumstances.
And also the assumption:
(D) that it is possible to solve problems
from afar, without participating in the activities of the people concerned.
(Opponents of the IMF, and of cultural
imperialism of any kinds, will especially appreciate this point).
Finally, Feyerabend pointedly distinguishes
between abstract traditions and historical traditions:
Historical traditions cannot be understood
from afar. Their assumptions, their possibilities, the (often unconscious)
wishes of their bearers can be found only by immersion, i.e. one must live
the life one wants to change. Neither (C) nor (D) apply to historical
traditions… my main objections against intellectual solutions of social
problems is that they start from a narrow cultural background, ascribe
universal validity to it and use power to impose it on others. Is it surprising
that I want to have nothing to do with such ratiofascistic dreams? Helping
people does not mean kicking them around until they end up in someone else’s
paradise, helping people means trying to introduce change as a friend,
as a person, that is, who can identify with their wisdom as well as with
their follies and who is sufficiently mature to let the latter prevail: an
abstract discussion of the lives of people I do not know and with whose
situation I am not familiar is not only a waste of time, it is also inhumane
and impertinent.
Furthermore:
I say that Auschwitz is an extreme
manifestation of an attitude that still thrives in our midst. It shows itself
in the treatment of minorities in industrial democracies; in education… which
most of the time consists in turning wonderful young people into colourless and
self-righteous copies of their teachers… it shows itself in the killing of
nature and of ‘primitive’ cultures with never a thought spent on those thus
deprived of meaning for their lives; in the colossal conceit of our
intellectuals, their belief that they know precisely what humanity needs and
their relentless efforts to recreate people in their own, sorry image… in the
lack of feeling of many so-called searchers for truth who systematically torture
animals, study their discomfort and receive prizes for their cruelty.
As
far as I am concerned there exists no difference whatsoever between the
henchmen of Auschwitz and these ‘benefactors of mankind’ – life is misused for special
purposes in both cases. The problem is the growing disregard for spiritual
values and their replacement by a crude but ‘scientific’ materialism,
occasionally even called humanism: man (i.e. humans as trained by their
experts) can solve all problems – they do not need any trust in and any
assistance from other agencies. How can I take a person seriously who bemoans
distant crimes but praises the criminals in his own neighbourhood? And how can
I decide a case from afar seeing that reality is richer than even the most
wonderful imagination.
Conclusion
It is apparent, I suspect, that
Feyerabend’s work is both polemic and completely against conventional
assumptions many intellectuals take for granted. Indeed, the worth of his work
lies precisely in his willingness to take such a hard stance against pervasive
ideologies that are seldom identified and rarely opposed openly.
If there is a flaw in Feyerabend’s approach
it is not with his philosophy, per se, but in its application. Is it possible
for the transformation of science and society to proceed at a ‘grass roots’
level, from the everyday citizen? It is possible, but doubtful. We have handed
over tremendous political and academic influence to intellectuals (who, for
instance, can affect political decisions without themselves being elected as
representatives), and they will not give up their power lightly. Opposing this
state of affairs by attacking the philosophies which are used to prop up the
status quo will likely fail because people with strong belief systems are
rarely convinced by contrary argument.
What perhaps is needed are
people to come to the imaginary negotiating tables with the intent of building
bridges. This is what I attempt in my life. It is a thankless task – opponents
of religion insist that those with religious belief systems cannot be reasoned
with, while opponents of science insist that those with materialist belief
systems cannot be reasoned with. I dispute both propositions, although I cannot
deny it seems harder to reason with the latter (whose faith is often more
absolute) than the former (for whom doubt is a more common experience). Indeed,
in my own philosophical investigations, I have thus far been attacked only by
the latter, and never by the former, but I do not claim from this trivial sample
that blame is attributable to one party and not the other.
Feyerabend draws a line in the sand, and
stockpiles enough philosophical ammunition to arm potential revolutionaries
willing to tackle the difficult problem of engaging an ‘enemy’ who does not appear to recognise their own culpability, and who seem determined to enforce their solutions on other people against their will. I would prefer to find ways to avoid the conflict
entirely, but to do so may require inestimable patience in the face of people
with intractably absolute belief systems. I suspect I lack Feyerabend’s
pugnacious confidence, but I am certainly grateful to have access to his body
of work.
I welcome discussion, but please
remember this is a summation of a book: if you wish to fully understand,
usefully critique or meaningfully oppose Feyerabend’s views, you should read
the book first and not assume my synopsis is anything other than a brief
introduction to his work. Or to put it another way: Don’t shoot the messenger!
My best wishes to you all!
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